我的自辯--劉曉波
《起訴書》（京一分檢刑訴[2009]247號）列舉了六篇文章和《零八憲章》，並總中引述了三百三十多字據此指控我觸犯了《刑法》第105條第2款之規定，犯有“煽動顛覆國家政權罪”，應當追究刑事責任。
對《起訴書》所列舉事實，除了說我“在徵集了三百餘人的簽名後”的事實陳述不準確之外，對其他的事實，我沒有異議。那六篇文章是我寫的，我參與了《零八憲章》，但我徵集的簽名只有70人左右，而不是三百多人，其他人的簽名不是我徵集的。至於據此指控我犯罪，我無法接受。在我失去自由的一年多時間裏，面對預審警官、檢察官和法官的詢問，我一直堅持自己無罪。現在，我將從中國憲法中的有關規定、聯合國的國際人權公約、我的政治改革主張、歷史潮流等多方面為自己進行無罪辯護。
一、改革開放帶來的重要成果之一，就是國人的人權意識的日益覺醒，民間維權的此起彼伏，推動中國政府在人權觀念上的進步。2004年全國人大修憲，把“國家尊重和保障人權”寫進了憲法，遂使人權保障成為依法治國的憲法原則。這些國家必須尊重和保障的人權，就是憲法第35條規定的諸項公民權利，言論自由便是基本人權之一。我的言論所表達的不同政見，是一個中國公民在行使憲法所賦予的言論自由權利，非但不能受到政府的限制和任意剝奪，反而必須得到國家的尊重和法律的保護。所以，起訴書對我的指控，侵犯了我作為中國公民的基本人權，違反了中國的根本大法，是典型的因言治罪，是古老的文字獄在當代中國的延續，理應受到道義的譴責和違憲追究。《刑法》第105條第二款也有違憲之嫌，應該提請全國人大對其進行合憲性審查。
二、《起訴書》根據所引的幾段話就指控我“以造謠、誹謗等方式煽動顛覆國家政權，推翻社會主義制度”這是欲加之罪。因為“造謠”是捏造、編造虛假資訊，中傷他人。“誹謗”是無中生有地詆毀他人的信譽與人格。二者涉及的都是事實的真假，涉及他人的名譽與利益。而我的言論皆為批評性的評論，是思想觀點的表達，是價值判斷而非事實判斷，也沒有對任何人造成傷害。所以，我的言論與造謠、誹謗風馬牛不相及。換言之，批評不是造謠，反對更不是誹謗。
三、《起訴書》根據《零八憲章》的幾段言論指控我誣衊執政黨，“試圖煽動顛覆現政權”。這指控有斷章取義之嫌，它完全無視《零八憲章》的整體表述，無視我所有的文章所表述的一貫觀點。
首先，《零八憲章》指出的“人權災難”都是發生在當代中國的事實，“反右”錯劃了五十多萬右派，“大躍進”造成了上千萬人的非自然死亡，“文革”造成國家的浩劫。“六‧四”是血案，許多人死了，許多人被投入監獄。這些事實都是舉世公認的“人權災難”，確實為中國的發展帶來危機，“束縛了中華民族的自身發展，制約了人類文明的進步。”至於取消一黨壟斷執政特權，不過是要求執政黨進行還政於民的改革，最終建立“民有、民治、民享”的自由國家。
其次，《零八憲章》所申明的價值和所提出的政改主張，其長遠目標是建成自由民主的聯邦共和國，其改革措施是十九條，其改革方式是漸進的和平的方式。這是有感於現行的跛足改革的種種弊端，要求執政黨變跛足為雙足，即政治與經濟同步並進的均衡改革。也就是從民間的角度推動官方儘快動還政於民的改革，用自下而上的民間壓力敦促政府進行自上而下的政治變革，從而形成官民互動的良性合作，以儘早實現國人的百年憲政之夢想。
再次，從1989年到2009年的二十年裏，我所表達的中國政治改革的觀點，一直是漸進、和平、有序、可控。我也一貫反對一步到位的激進改革，更反對暴力革命。這種漸進式改革主張，在我的《通過改變社會來改變政權》一文中有著明確的表述：通過致力於民間權利意識的覺醒、民間維權的擴張、民間自主性的上升、民間社會的發展，形成自下而上的壓力，以推動自上而下的官方改革。事實上，中國三十年的改革實踐證明，每一次具有制度創新性質的改革措施的出臺和實施，其最根本的動力皆來自民間的自發改革，民間改革的認同性和影響逐漸擴大，迫使官方接受民間的創新嘗試，從而變成自上而下的改革決策。
總之，漸進、和平、有序、可控，自下而上與自上而下的互動，是我關於中國政治改革的關鍵字。因為這種方式代價最小，效果最大。我知道政治變革的基本常識，有序、可控的社會變革必定優於無序、失控的變革。壞政府治下的秩序也優於無政府的天下大亂。所以，我反對獨裁化或壟斷化的執政方式，並不是“煽動顛覆現政權”。換言之，反對並不等於顛覆。
四、中國有“滿招損、謙受益”的古訓，西諺有“狂妄必遭天譴”的箴言。我知道自己的局限，所以，我也知道我的公開言論不可能十全十美或完全正確。特別是我的時評類文章，不嚴謹的論證，情緒化的宣泄，錯誤的表述，以偏蓋全的結論……在所難免。但是，這些有局限性的言論，與犯罪毫無關係，不能作為治罪的依據。因為，言論自由之權利，不僅包括發表正確觀點的權利，也包括發表錯誤言論的權利。正確的言論和多數的意見需要保護；不正確的言論和少數的意見，同樣需要權利的保護。正所謂：我可以不贊成或反對你的觀點，但我堅決捍衛你公開表達不同觀點的權利，哪怕你所表達的觀點是錯誤的，這，才是言論自由的精義。對此，中國古代傳統中也有過經典的概括。我把這種概括稱為二十四字箴言：知無不言，言無不盡；言者無罪，聞者足戒；有則改之，無則加勉。正因為這二十四字箴言道出了言論自由的要義，才能讓每一代國人耳熟能詳，流傳至今。我認為，其中“言者無罪，聞者足戒”，完全可以作為當代國人對待批評意見的座右銘，更應該成為當權者對待不同政見的警示。
五、我無罪，因為對我的指控有違國際社會公認的人權準則。早在1948年，中國作為聯合國的常任理事國就參與起草了《世界人權宣言》；五十年後的1998年，中國政府又向國際社會作出了簽署聯合國制定的兩大國際人權公約的莊嚴承諾。其中《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》把言論自由列為最基本的普世人權，要求各國政府必須加以尊重和保障。中國作為聯合國常任理事國，也作為聯合國人權理事會的成員，有義務遵守聯合國制定的人權公約，有責任餞行自己的承諾，也應該模範地執行聯合國發佈的人權保障條款。惟其如此，中國政府才能切實保障本國國民的人權，為推動國際人權事業做出自己的貢獻，從而顯示出一個大國的文明風範。
遺憾的是，中國政府並沒有完全履行自己的義務和兌現自己的承諾，並沒有把紙上的保證落實為現實的行動，有憲法而無憲政，有承諾而無兌現，仍然是中國政府在應對國際社會的批評時的常態。現在對我的指控就是最新的例證。顯然，這樣的因言治罪，與中國作為常任理事國和人權理事會的成員的身份相悖，有損於中國的政治形象和國家利益，無法在政治上取信于文明世界。
六、無論在中國還是在世界，無論是在古代還是現當代，因言治罪的文字獄都是反人道反人權的行為，有悖於大勢所趨、人心所向的時代潮流。回顧中國歷史，即使在家天下的帝制時代，從秦到清，文字獄的盛行，歷來都是一個政權的執政污點，也是中華民族的恥辱。秦始皇有統一中國之功，但其“焚書坑儒”之暴政卻遺臭萬年。漢武帝雄才大略，但其閹割太史公司馬遷之舉則倍受病詬。清朝有“康乾盛世”，但其頻繁的文字獄也只能留下名。相反，漢文帝在二千多年前就廢除過因言治罪的“誣謗罪”，由此贏得了開朝仁君的美名和歷代推崇的“文景之治”。
進入現代中國，中國共產黨之所以由弱而強，最終戰勝國民黨，在根本上源自其“反獨裁爭自由”的道義力量。1949年前，中共的《新華日報》和《解放日報》經常發文抨擊蔣家政權對言論自由的壓制，為因言獲罪的有識之士大聲疾呼。毛澤東等中共領袖也多次論及言論自由及基本人權。但1949年後，從反右到文革，林昭被槍斃，張志新被割喉，言論自由在毛時代消失了，國家陷於萬馬齊喑的死寂。改革以來，執政黨撥亂反正，對不同政見的容忍度有大幅度提高，社會的言論空間不斷擴大，文字獄大幅度減少，但因言治罪的傳統並沒有完全滅絕。從四‧五到六‧四，從民主牆到零八憲章，因言治罪的案例時有發生。我此次獲罪，不過是最近的文字獄而已。
二十一世紀的今天，言論自由早已成為多數國人的共識，文字獄卻是千夫所指。從客觀效果上看，防民之口甚於防川，監獄的高牆關不住自由的表達。一個政權不可能靠壓抑不同政見來建立合法性，也不可能靠文字獄來達成長治久安。因為，筆桿子的問題只能訴諸筆桿子來解決，一旦動用槍桿子解決筆桿子的問題，只能造成人權災難。只有從制度上根絕文字獄，憲法所規定的言論自由權利才能落實到每一位國民身上；只有當國民的言論自由權利得到制度化的現實保障，文字獄才會在中國大地上滅絕。
因言治罪，不符合中國憲法所確立的人權原則，違反了聯合國發佈的國際人權公約，有悖於普世道義與歷史潮流。我為自己所做的無罪辯護，希望能夠得到法庭的採納，從而讓此案的裁決在中國法治史上具有開先河的意義，經得起中國憲法之人權條款與國際人權公約的審查，也經得起道義的追問和歷史的檢驗。
謝謝大家！
劉曉波（2009年12月23日）
(自由亞洲電台)
Friday, January 22, 2010
I Have No Enemy - LXB
劉曉波的妻子劉霞透過自由亞洲電台網站，發表劉曉波題為「我沒有敵人——我的最後陳述」的文章。
以下為文章全文：
我沒有敵人——我的最後陳述 劉曉波（2009年12月23日）
在我已過半百的人生道路上，1989年6月是我生命的重大轉折時刻。那之前，我是文革後恢復高考的第一屆大學生（七七級），從學士到碩士再到博士，我的讀書生涯是一帆風順，畢業後留在北京師範大學任教。在講台上，我是一名頗受學生歡迎的教師。同時，我又是一名公共知識分子，在上世紀八十年代發表過引起轟動的文章與著作，經常受邀去各地演講，還應歐美國家之邀出國做訪問學者。我給自己提出的要求是：無論做人還是為文，都要活得誠實、負責、有尊嚴。那之後，因從美國回來參加八九運動，我被以「反革命宣傳煽動罪」投入監獄，也失去了我酷愛的講台，再也不能在國內發表文章和演講。僅僅因為發表不同政見和參加和平民主運動，一名教師就失去了講台，一個作家就失去了發表的權利，一位公共知識人就失去公開演講的機會，這，無論之於我個人還是之於改革開放已經三十年的中國，都是一種悲哀。
想起來，六‧四後我最富有戲劇性的經歷，居然都與法庭相關；我兩次面對公講話的機會都是北京市中級法院的開庭提供的，一次是1991年1月，一次是現在。雖然兩次被指控的罪名不同，但其實質基本相同，皆是因言獲罪。
二十年過去了，六‧四冤魂還未瞑目，被六‧四情結引向持不同政見者之路的我，在1991年走出秦城監獄之後，就失去了在自己的祖國公開發言的權利，而只能通過境外媒體發言，並因此而被長年監控，被監視居住（1995年5月-1996年1月），被勞動教養（1996年10月-1999年10月），現在又再次被政權的敵人意識推上了被告席，但我仍然要對這個剝奪我自由的政權說，我監守著二十年前我在《六‧二絕食宣言》中所表達的信念——我沒有敵人，也沒有仇恨。所有監控過我，捉捕過我、審訊過我的警察，起訴過我的檢察官，判決過我的法官，都不是我的敵人。雖然我無法接受你們的監控、逮捕、起訴和判決，但我尊重你的職業與人格，包括現在代表控方起訴我的張榮革和潘雪晴兩位檢察官。在12月3日兩位對我的詢問中，我能感到你們的尊重和誠意。
因為，仇恨會腐蝕一個人的智慧和良知，敵人意識將毒化一個民族的精神，煽動起你死我活的殘酷鬥爭，毀掉一個社會的寬容和人性，阻礙一個國家走向自由民主的進程。所以，我希望自己能夠超越個人的遭遇來看待國家的發展和社會的變化，以最大的善意對待政權的敵意，以愛化解恨。
眾所周知，是改革開放帶來了國家的發展和社會的變化。在我看來，改革開放始於放棄毛時代的「以階級鬥爭為綱」的執政方針。轉而致力於經濟發展和社會和諧。放棄「鬥爭哲學」的過程也是逐步淡化敵人意識、消除仇恨心理的過程，是一個擠掉浸入人性之中的「狼奶」的過程。正是這一進程，為改革開放提供了一個寬鬆的國內外環境，為恢復人與人之間的互愛，為不同利益不同價值的和平共處提供了柔軟的人性土壤，從而為國人的創造力之併發和愛心之恢復提供了符合人性的激勵。可以說，對外放棄「反帝反修」，對內放棄「階級鬥爭」，是中國的改革開放得以持續至今的基本前提。經濟走向市場，文化趨於多元，秩序逐漸法治，皆受益於「敵人意識」的淡化。即使在進步最為緩慢的政治領域，敵人意識的淡化也讓政權對社會的多元化有了日益擴大的包容性，對不同政見者的迫害之力度也大幅度下降，對八九運動的定性也由「動暴亂」改為「政治風波」。敵人意識的淡化讓政權逐步接受了人權的普世性，1998年，中國政府向世界做出簽署聯合國的兩大國際人權公約的承諾，標誌著中國對普世人權標準的承認；2004年，全國人大修憲首次把「國家尊重和保障人權」寫進了憲法，標誌著人權已經成為中國法治的根本原則之一。與此同時，現政權又提出「以人為本」、「創建和諧社會」，標誌著中共執政理念的進步。
這些宏觀方面的進步，也能從我被捕以來的親身經歷中感受到。
儘管我堅持認為自己無罪，對我的指控是違憲的，但在我失去自由的一年多時間裏，先後經歷了兩個關押地點、四位預審警官、三位檢察官、二位法官，他們的辦案，沒有不尊重，沒有超時，沒有逼供。他們的態度平和、理性，且時時流露出善意。6月23日，我被從監視居住處轉到北京市公安局第一看守所，簡稱「北看」。在北看的半年時間裏，我看到了監管上的進步。
1996年，我曾在老北看（半步橋）呆過，與十幾年前半步橋時的北看相比，現在的北看，在硬體設施和軟體管理上都有了極大的改善。特別是北看首創的人性化管理，在尊重在押人員的權利和人格的基礎上，將柔性化的管理落實到管教們的一言一行中，體現在「溫馨廣播」、「悔悟」雜誌、飯前音樂、起睡覺的音樂中，這種管理，讓在押人員感到了尊嚴與溫暖，激發了他們維持監室秩序和反對牢頭獄霸的自覺性，不但為在押人員提供了人性化的生活環境，也極大地改善了在押人員的訴訟環境和心態，我與主管我所在監室的劉崢管教有著近距離的接觸，他對在押人員的尊重和關心，體現在管理的每個細節中，滲透到他的一言一行中，讓人感到溫暖。結識這位真誠、正直、負責、善心的劉管教，也可以算作我在北看的幸運吧。
政治基於這樣的信念和親歷，我堅信中國的政治進步不會停止，我對未來自由中國的降臨充滿樂觀的期待，因為任何力量也無法阻攔心向自由的人性欲求，中國終將變成人權至上的法治國。我也期待這樣的進步能體現在此案的審理中，期待合議庭的公正裁決——經得起歷史檢驗的裁決。
如果讓我說出這二十年來最幸運的經歷，那就是得到了我的妻子劉霞的無私的愛。今天，我妻子無法到庭旁聽，但我還是要對你說，親愛的，我堅信你對我的愛將一如既往。這多年來，在我的無自由的生活中，我們的愛飽含著外在環境所強加的苦澀，但回味起來依然無窮。我在有形的監獄中服刑，你在無形的心獄中等待，你的愛，就是超越高牆、穿透鐵窗的陽光，撫摸我的每寸皮膚，溫暖我的每個細胞，讓我始終保有內心的平和、坦蕩與明亮，讓獄中的每分鐘都充滿意義。而我對你的愛，充滿了負疚和歉意，有時沉重得讓我腳步蹣跚。我是荒野中的頑石，任由狂風暴雨的抽打，冷得讓人不敢觸碰。但我的愛是堅硬的、鋒利的，可以穿透任何阻礙。即使我被碾成粉末，我也會用灰燼擁抱你。
親愛的，有你的愛，我就會坦然面對即將到來的審判，無悔於自己的選擇，樂觀地期待著明天。我期待我的國家是一片可以自由表達的土地，在這裏，每一位國民的發言都會得到同等的善待；在這裏，不同的價值、思想、信仰、政見……既相互競爭又和平共處；在這裏，多數的意見和少數的儀意見都會得到平等的保障，特別是那些不同於當權者的政見將得到充分的尊重和保護；在這裏，所有的政見都將攤在陽光下接受民的選擇，每個國民都能毫無恐懼地發表政見，決不會因發表不同政見而遭受政治迫害；我期待，我將是中國綿綿不絕的文字獄的最後一個受害者，從此之後不再有人因言獲罪。
表達自由，人權之基，人性之本，真理之母。封殺言論自由，踐踏人權，窒息人性，壓抑真理。
為餞行憲法賦予的言論自由之權利，當盡到一個中國公民的社會責任，我的所作所為無罪，即便為此被指控，也無怨言。
謝謝各位！
劉曉波（2009年12月23日）
以下為文章全文：
我沒有敵人——我的最後陳述 劉曉波（2009年12月23日）
在我已過半百的人生道路上，1989年6月是我生命的重大轉折時刻。那之前，我是文革後恢復高考的第一屆大學生（七七級），從學士到碩士再到博士，我的讀書生涯是一帆風順，畢業後留在北京師範大學任教。在講台上，我是一名頗受學生歡迎的教師。同時，我又是一名公共知識分子，在上世紀八十年代發表過引起轟動的文章與著作，經常受邀去各地演講，還應歐美國家之邀出國做訪問學者。我給自己提出的要求是：無論做人還是為文，都要活得誠實、負責、有尊嚴。那之後，因從美國回來參加八九運動，我被以「反革命宣傳煽動罪」投入監獄，也失去了我酷愛的講台，再也不能在國內發表文章和演講。僅僅因為發表不同政見和參加和平民主運動，一名教師就失去了講台，一個作家就失去了發表的權利，一位公共知識人就失去公開演講的機會，這，無論之於我個人還是之於改革開放已經三十年的中國，都是一種悲哀。
想起來，六‧四後我最富有戲劇性的經歷，居然都與法庭相關；我兩次面對公講話的機會都是北京市中級法院的開庭提供的，一次是1991年1月，一次是現在。雖然兩次被指控的罪名不同，但其實質基本相同，皆是因言獲罪。
二十年過去了，六‧四冤魂還未瞑目，被六‧四情結引向持不同政見者之路的我，在1991年走出秦城監獄之後，就失去了在自己的祖國公開發言的權利，而只能通過境外媒體發言，並因此而被長年監控，被監視居住（1995年5月-1996年1月），被勞動教養（1996年10月-1999年10月），現在又再次被政權的敵人意識推上了被告席，但我仍然要對這個剝奪我自由的政權說，我監守著二十年前我在《六‧二絕食宣言》中所表達的信念——我沒有敵人，也沒有仇恨。所有監控過我，捉捕過我、審訊過我的警察，起訴過我的檢察官，判決過我的法官，都不是我的敵人。雖然我無法接受你們的監控、逮捕、起訴和判決，但我尊重你的職業與人格，包括現在代表控方起訴我的張榮革和潘雪晴兩位檢察官。在12月3日兩位對我的詢問中，我能感到你們的尊重和誠意。
因為，仇恨會腐蝕一個人的智慧和良知，敵人意識將毒化一個民族的精神，煽動起你死我活的殘酷鬥爭，毀掉一個社會的寬容和人性，阻礙一個國家走向自由民主的進程。所以，我希望自己能夠超越個人的遭遇來看待國家的發展和社會的變化，以最大的善意對待政權的敵意，以愛化解恨。
眾所周知，是改革開放帶來了國家的發展和社會的變化。在我看來，改革開放始於放棄毛時代的「以階級鬥爭為綱」的執政方針。轉而致力於經濟發展和社會和諧。放棄「鬥爭哲學」的過程也是逐步淡化敵人意識、消除仇恨心理的過程，是一個擠掉浸入人性之中的「狼奶」的過程。正是這一進程，為改革開放提供了一個寬鬆的國內外環境，為恢復人與人之間的互愛，為不同利益不同價值的和平共處提供了柔軟的人性土壤，從而為國人的創造力之併發和愛心之恢復提供了符合人性的激勵。可以說，對外放棄「反帝反修」，對內放棄「階級鬥爭」，是中國的改革開放得以持續至今的基本前提。經濟走向市場，文化趨於多元，秩序逐漸法治，皆受益於「敵人意識」的淡化。即使在進步最為緩慢的政治領域，敵人意識的淡化也讓政權對社會的多元化有了日益擴大的包容性，對不同政見者的迫害之力度也大幅度下降，對八九運動的定性也由「動暴亂」改為「政治風波」。敵人意識的淡化讓政權逐步接受了人權的普世性，1998年，中國政府向世界做出簽署聯合國的兩大國際人權公約的承諾，標誌著中國對普世人權標準的承認；2004年，全國人大修憲首次把「國家尊重和保障人權」寫進了憲法，標誌著人權已經成為中國法治的根本原則之一。與此同時，現政權又提出「以人為本」、「創建和諧社會」，標誌著中共執政理念的進步。
這些宏觀方面的進步，也能從我被捕以來的親身經歷中感受到。
儘管我堅持認為自己無罪，對我的指控是違憲的，但在我失去自由的一年多時間裏，先後經歷了兩個關押地點、四位預審警官、三位檢察官、二位法官，他們的辦案，沒有不尊重，沒有超時，沒有逼供。他們的態度平和、理性，且時時流露出善意。6月23日，我被從監視居住處轉到北京市公安局第一看守所，簡稱「北看」。在北看的半年時間裏，我看到了監管上的進步。
1996年，我曾在老北看（半步橋）呆過，與十幾年前半步橋時的北看相比，現在的北看，在硬體設施和軟體管理上都有了極大的改善。特別是北看首創的人性化管理，在尊重在押人員的權利和人格的基礎上，將柔性化的管理落實到管教們的一言一行中，體現在「溫馨廣播」、「悔悟」雜誌、飯前音樂、起睡覺的音樂中，這種管理，讓在押人員感到了尊嚴與溫暖，激發了他們維持監室秩序和反對牢頭獄霸的自覺性，不但為在押人員提供了人性化的生活環境，也極大地改善了在押人員的訴訟環境和心態，我與主管我所在監室的劉崢管教有著近距離的接觸，他對在押人員的尊重和關心，體現在管理的每個細節中，滲透到他的一言一行中，讓人感到溫暖。結識這位真誠、正直、負責、善心的劉管教，也可以算作我在北看的幸運吧。
政治基於這樣的信念和親歷，我堅信中國的政治進步不會停止，我對未來自由中國的降臨充滿樂觀的期待，因為任何力量也無法阻攔心向自由的人性欲求，中國終將變成人權至上的法治國。我也期待這樣的進步能體現在此案的審理中，期待合議庭的公正裁決——經得起歷史檢驗的裁決。
如果讓我說出這二十年來最幸運的經歷，那就是得到了我的妻子劉霞的無私的愛。今天，我妻子無法到庭旁聽，但我還是要對你說，親愛的，我堅信你對我的愛將一如既往。這多年來，在我的無自由的生活中，我們的愛飽含著外在環境所強加的苦澀，但回味起來依然無窮。我在有形的監獄中服刑，你在無形的心獄中等待，你的愛，就是超越高牆、穿透鐵窗的陽光，撫摸我的每寸皮膚，溫暖我的每個細胞，讓我始終保有內心的平和、坦蕩與明亮，讓獄中的每分鐘都充滿意義。而我對你的愛，充滿了負疚和歉意，有時沉重得讓我腳步蹣跚。我是荒野中的頑石，任由狂風暴雨的抽打，冷得讓人不敢觸碰。但我的愛是堅硬的、鋒利的，可以穿透任何阻礙。即使我被碾成粉末，我也會用灰燼擁抱你。
親愛的，有你的愛，我就會坦然面對即將到來的審判，無悔於自己的選擇，樂觀地期待著明天。我期待我的國家是一片可以自由表達的土地，在這裏，每一位國民的發言都會得到同等的善待；在這裏，不同的價值、思想、信仰、政見……既相互競爭又和平共處；在這裏，多數的意見和少數的儀意見都會得到平等的保障，特別是那些不同於當權者的政見將得到充分的尊重和保護；在這裏，所有的政見都將攤在陽光下接受民的選擇，每個國民都能毫無恐懼地發表政見，決不會因發表不同政見而遭受政治迫害；我期待，我將是中國綿綿不絕的文字獄的最後一個受害者，從此之後不再有人因言獲罪。
表達自由，人權之基，人性之本，真理之母。封殺言論自由，踐踏人權，窒息人性，壓抑真理。
為餞行憲法賦予的言論自由之權利，當盡到一個中國公民的社會責任，我的所作所為無罪，即便為此被指控，也無怨言。
謝謝各位！
劉曉波（2009年12月23日）
Friday, January 15, 2010
LKY's 1965 Speech - Vindicated
TRANSCRIPT OF A SPEECH MADE BY THE PRIME MINISTER, MR. LEE KUAN YEW, AT THE SREE NARAYANA MISSION IN SEMBAWANG ON 12TH SEPTEMBER, 1965.
Mr. Chairman, friends,I want to say how delighted I am this morning to be able to join you in presenting these scholarships to 10 students, $100/- each, and not only to Indian students. The money probably came all from Indians because they are members of your Mission but the scholarships are also being given to Malays and to Chinese too.
It is these little gestures which make for harmony and understanding. I remember reading not so long ago about some special scholarships they were going to name after one of their leaders in Malaya, and they were going to get everybody to contribute, but the scholarships were only for one group. It makes life a rather difficult and trying business. But that is now no longer our business: we cannot interfere. We mind our own affairs.But I say, neverthless, as Dr. Ismail has said in Canberra -- and he is an honest man who said that one day these two territories will come back again, but under very different circumstances and different conditions. And he was an honest man to say that if Singapore remained in Malaysia, there would be language and race riots in 1967. He said that -- I did not say that. He said that and it was reported in Canberra. I got the newspapers sent back to me. Because Singapore was setting the example in tolerance, multi-lingualism, multi-racialism; a multi-regligious, multi-cultural society. And there are some people whose grasp of history is somewhat limited and they are the people who shout these slogans: " One race, one language, one religion" It worries me. I think they ought to see the optician and put on their glasses. Then they will know there are many races, racial groups, but one nationality. I think they ought to see the ear specialist because obviously, theirears are not hearing properly. Or, they will know that we speak many languages. And they will know that today Sunday, Christians go to church: Friday, Malays go to their mosques: Indians have Thaipusam, Deepavali and their ceremonial occasions; so with Buddhists, so with Seventh Day Adventists, on a Saturday. And what is wrong about that?We will set the example. This country belongs to all of us. We made this country from nothing, from mud-flats. It is man, human skill, human effort which made this possible. You came, you worked -- for yourselves, yes. But in the process, your forefathers and my forefathers who came here: we built this civilization.
It is one of the few cities in Asia where you can get anything you want. You pick up the telephone: it works; and it not only works internally. You can pick up the telephone and speak to Delhi, London, Tokyo, Canberra ---anywhere you want. Do you think you can do that just by shouting slogans? You can get the best in any of the hotels in meal. European food? You can get the best in any one of the hotels in town. Chinese food? What kind do you like? There is Cantonese, Hokkien and Teochew. Indian food? There are South Indian, North Indian: anything you like. Malay food? You like Sumatran food, nasi padang? Where else in the world can you get this?
And I say, we will progress. I was sad not because Singapore was going to suffer: No. I was sad because by this separation, we could not help millions of our own people, our own countrymen in Malaya, in Sabah and Sarawak to progress with us. That was why I was sad. We could not help them any more.
They have now got to help themselves. They have got to throw up their own leaders and they have got to take a stand. We cannot interfere. Here in Singapore, in ten years, Geyland Serai will be another and better Queens town all the shacks will be demolished. I say that for Singapore because I do not think Singapore is boasting when it says it can do it. It will do it. But do you think in ten years, the kampongs in Malaya will have Queens towns? I do not think so.
If you want that, then you must have the thrust, the ideas, the dynamism, the push, the tolerance of each other. That is why I was sad for them who are our people. Not just Chinese and Chinese, Indians and Indians. They are many Malays here.
Half of our police force comes from Malaya. Their familes are left behind there. They will be quartered; they will live in modern civilised conditions. Their families will come down here and they will want to stay with them, and we will have to say "No" because there is a limit to what we can absorb. We have only got 214 square miles. It is a cruel thing to do this. But it has to be done, some people wanted it this way. We could have helped them emerge, but it was not be to be.
But I say to you : Here we make the model multi-racial society. This is not a country that belongs to any single community: it belongs to all of us. You helped built it; your fathers, your grandfathers helped build this, There was no naval base here, and it is not the British who built it. It was your labour, your father's labour which built that.. My (great) grandfather come here and built. Yes, he came here looking for his fortune, but he stayed -- my grandfather was born here.
Over 100 years ago, this was a mud-flat, swamp. Today, this a modern city. Ten years from now, this will be a metropolis. Never fear.Some people think that just because we are a small place, they can put the screws on us. It is not so easy. We are a small place in size, and geography. But in the quality of the men, the administration, the organisation, the mettle in a people, the fibre therefore, don't try. That is why we got booted out. If they could have just squeezed us like an orange and squeezed the juice out, I think the juice would have been squeezed out of us, and all the goodness would have been sucked away. But it was a bit harder, wasn't it? It was more like the durian.You try and squeeze it, your hand gets hurt. And so they say, "Right, throw out the durain." But inside the durian is a very useful ingredient, high protein. And we will progress.
40 percent more than 40 percent of the purchasing power of the whole of Malaysia is in Singapore. We may be 20% of the population of Malaysia, but purchasing power, the capacity to buy goods like microphone, clocks, drinks, fans, lights, television, transistors: the money is here because here they work. And if people do not want that 40% -- 44% market -- well, that is their business. We want to open the market with them, buy if they do not want it we will make our own soap ... We are buying soap from Petaling Jaya: Lux. You know, it isalways advertised on TV: Lever Brothers. It is no harm, we buy the soap: It is good for them; it is good for us. We can make motor-cars together for the whole of Malaysia. And never forget, if it came to the point then Lever brothers may have to set up a soap factory here, because after all, nearly half the sales are in Singapore.
You ask the Straits Times: what percentage of their newspaper is sold in Singapore? True, we are only two-million. But we have the highest literacy rate in the whole of Asia. Nearly half of Straits Times, if not more, is sold here. Here, everybody buys a copy. There, may be one kampong buys one copy and everybody looks at it. It is true. We are talking now in terms of hard cash; the hard facts of life. And if people wants to be hard to us, then we have got to survive. And we can keep this market to ourselves. But this is all shortsighted. Let us throw our eyes over the horizon into the future. What does our Dr. Ismail say: This will come back again. But under very different circumstances and ifferent conditions.
You know and I know that anybody who says, "Go back to Malaysia on the same circumstances". Will be called a lunatic; isn't it? We were patient; we were tolerant. We put with it hoping that they would see the light. But we had to be firm. We could not give in. So, as a result we are out.
History is a long process of attrition. It will go on. And one day, it will come back together. You see, this is not like a map and you can take a pair of scissors and cut off Singapore and then take it and paste it in the South Pacific and forget about it. It is not possible. This is part of the mainland of the continent of Asia. And that Causeway .... You know, the Japanese blew it up; it was still rebuilt. It is part of history; and you are part of history. You are part of this place as much as I am; as much as Inche Othman Wok, my colleague, is; and I say that is the way it will be in the end.
Finally, may I congratulate you for having made progress since I last visited your mission in 1963, and especially commend you for having made a symbolic gesture in giving scholarships not just to Indians. But Indians who contributed to the Narayana Mission took this money and gave it to Malay and Chinese students as well. In that way, we must prosper.
And I guarantee you this: there will be a Constitution which we will get re-drawn in which minority rights .... You know, it is very easy in Singapore for people to stand up and if you talk, "One race, one language, one religion," there will be a lot trouble, you know. We do not want that sort of thing. That is stupidity. So we are going to get the Chief Justice of India, Australia, New Zealand and a few others together with our own Chief Justice and a few of our eminent lawyers to draft "entrenched" clauses .... You know, "entrenched": nogovernment can just cancel the clauses. Entrenched, and enforcible.
If anybody thinks he is being discriminated against either for a flat or a scholarship or a job or for social welfare relief because of race, or language or religion, he can go to the court, take out a writ; and if he proves that it was because of discrimination on the ground of race, language, religion, culture, then the court will have to enforce the Constitution and ensure minority rights.
We are an equal society. You are equal to me; I am equal to you. Nobody is more equal than others. In some places, they say, "we are all equal." But what they mean is they are more equal, you see -- which makes life very difficult. But here, when we say "equal", we really mean it. We do not have to do it in Singapore. But we are thinking in terms of 100, 200 years, 1,000 years. You must help them emerge. And there is only one way: education and economist thrust.
And with those words, I wish you all peace, prosperity in Singapore.Thank you
Mr. Chairman, friends,I want to say how delighted I am this morning to be able to join you in presenting these scholarships to 10 students, $100/- each, and not only to Indian students. The money probably came all from Indians because they are members of your Mission but the scholarships are also being given to Malays and to Chinese too.
It is these little gestures which make for harmony and understanding. I remember reading not so long ago about some special scholarships they were going to name after one of their leaders in Malaya, and they were going to get everybody to contribute, but the scholarships were only for one group. It makes life a rather difficult and trying business. But that is now no longer our business: we cannot interfere. We mind our own affairs.But I say, neverthless, as Dr. Ismail has said in Canberra -- and he is an honest man who said that one day these two territories will come back again, but under very different circumstances and different conditions. And he was an honest man to say that if Singapore remained in Malaysia, there would be language and race riots in 1967. He said that -- I did not say that. He said that and it was reported in Canberra. I got the newspapers sent back to me. Because Singapore was setting the example in tolerance, multi-lingualism, multi-racialism; a multi-regligious, multi-cultural society. And there are some people whose grasp of history is somewhat limited and they are the people who shout these slogans: " One race, one language, one religion" It worries me. I think they ought to see the optician and put on their glasses. Then they will know there are many races, racial groups, but one nationality. I think they ought to see the ear specialist because obviously, theirears are not hearing properly. Or, they will know that we speak many languages. And they will know that today Sunday, Christians go to church: Friday, Malays go to their mosques: Indians have Thaipusam, Deepavali and their ceremonial occasions; so with Buddhists, so with Seventh Day Adventists, on a Saturday. And what is wrong about that?We will set the example. This country belongs to all of us. We made this country from nothing, from mud-flats. It is man, human skill, human effort which made this possible. You came, you worked -- for yourselves, yes. But in the process, your forefathers and my forefathers who came here: we built this civilization.
It is one of the few cities in Asia where you can get anything you want. You pick up the telephone: it works; and it not only works internally. You can pick up the telephone and speak to Delhi, London, Tokyo, Canberra ---anywhere you want. Do you think you can do that just by shouting slogans? You can get the best in any of the hotels in meal. European food? You can get the best in any one of the hotels in town. Chinese food? What kind do you like? There is Cantonese, Hokkien and Teochew. Indian food? There are South Indian, North Indian: anything you like. Malay food? You like Sumatran food, nasi padang? Where else in the world can you get this?
And I say, we will progress. I was sad not because Singapore was going to suffer: No. I was sad because by this separation, we could not help millions of our own people, our own countrymen in Malaya, in Sabah and Sarawak to progress with us. That was why I was sad. We could not help them any more.
They have now got to help themselves. They have got to throw up their own leaders and they have got to take a stand. We cannot interfere. Here in Singapore, in ten years, Geyland Serai will be another and better Queens town all the shacks will be demolished. I say that for Singapore because I do not think Singapore is boasting when it says it can do it. It will do it. But do you think in ten years, the kampongs in Malaya will have Queens towns? I do not think so.
If you want that, then you must have the thrust, the ideas, the dynamism, the push, the tolerance of each other. That is why I was sad for them who are our people. Not just Chinese and Chinese, Indians and Indians. They are many Malays here.
Half of our police force comes from Malaya. Their familes are left behind there. They will be quartered; they will live in modern civilised conditions. Their families will come down here and they will want to stay with them, and we will have to say "No" because there is a limit to what we can absorb. We have only got 214 square miles. It is a cruel thing to do this. But it has to be done, some people wanted it this way. We could have helped them emerge, but it was not be to be.
But I say to you : Here we make the model multi-racial society. This is not a country that belongs to any single community: it belongs to all of us. You helped built it; your fathers, your grandfathers helped build this, There was no naval base here, and it is not the British who built it. It was your labour, your father's labour which built that.. My (great) grandfather come here and built. Yes, he came here looking for his fortune, but he stayed -- my grandfather was born here.
Over 100 years ago, this was a mud-flat, swamp. Today, this a modern city. Ten years from now, this will be a metropolis. Never fear.Some people think that just because we are a small place, they can put the screws on us. It is not so easy. We are a small place in size, and geography. But in the quality of the men, the administration, the organisation, the mettle in a people, the fibre therefore, don't try. That is why we got booted out. If they could have just squeezed us like an orange and squeezed the juice out, I think the juice would have been squeezed out of us, and all the goodness would have been sucked away. But it was a bit harder, wasn't it? It was more like the durian.You try and squeeze it, your hand gets hurt. And so they say, "Right, throw out the durain." But inside the durian is a very useful ingredient, high protein. And we will progress.
40 percent more than 40 percent of the purchasing power of the whole of Malaysia is in Singapore. We may be 20% of the population of Malaysia, but purchasing power, the capacity to buy goods like microphone, clocks, drinks, fans, lights, television, transistors: the money is here because here they work. And if people do not want that 40% -- 44% market -- well, that is their business. We want to open the market with them, buy if they do not want it we will make our own soap ... We are buying soap from Petaling Jaya: Lux. You know, it isalways advertised on TV: Lever Brothers. It is no harm, we buy the soap: It is good for them; it is good for us. We can make motor-cars together for the whole of Malaysia. And never forget, if it came to the point then Lever brothers may have to set up a soap factory here, because after all, nearly half the sales are in Singapore.
You ask the Straits Times: what percentage of their newspaper is sold in Singapore? True, we are only two-million. But we have the highest literacy rate in the whole of Asia. Nearly half of Straits Times, if not more, is sold here. Here, everybody buys a copy. There, may be one kampong buys one copy and everybody looks at it. It is true. We are talking now in terms of hard cash; the hard facts of life. And if people wants to be hard to us, then we have got to survive. And we can keep this market to ourselves. But this is all shortsighted. Let us throw our eyes over the horizon into the future. What does our Dr. Ismail say: This will come back again. But under very different circumstances and ifferent conditions.
You know and I know that anybody who says, "Go back to Malaysia on the same circumstances". Will be called a lunatic; isn't it? We were patient; we were tolerant. We put with it hoping that they would see the light. But we had to be firm. We could not give in. So, as a result we are out.
History is a long process of attrition. It will go on. And one day, it will come back together. You see, this is not like a map and you can take a pair of scissors and cut off Singapore and then take it and paste it in the South Pacific and forget about it. It is not possible. This is part of the mainland of the continent of Asia. And that Causeway .... You know, the Japanese blew it up; it was still rebuilt. It is part of history; and you are part of history. You are part of this place as much as I am; as much as Inche Othman Wok, my colleague, is; and I say that is the way it will be in the end.
Finally, may I congratulate you for having made progress since I last visited your mission in 1963, and especially commend you for having made a symbolic gesture in giving scholarships not just to Indians. But Indians who contributed to the Narayana Mission took this money and gave it to Malay and Chinese students as well. In that way, we must prosper.
And I guarantee you this: there will be a Constitution which we will get re-drawn in which minority rights .... You know, it is very easy in Singapore for people to stand up and if you talk, "One race, one language, one religion," there will be a lot trouble, you know. We do not want that sort of thing. That is stupidity. So we are going to get the Chief Justice of India, Australia, New Zealand and a few others together with our own Chief Justice and a few of our eminent lawyers to draft "entrenched" clauses .... You know, "entrenched": nogovernment can just cancel the clauses. Entrenched, and enforcible.
If anybody thinks he is being discriminated against either for a flat or a scholarship or a job or for social welfare relief because of race, or language or religion, he can go to the court, take out a writ; and if he proves that it was because of discrimination on the ground of race, language, religion, culture, then the court will have to enforce the Constitution and ensure minority rights.
We are an equal society. You are equal to me; I am equal to you. Nobody is more equal than others. In some places, they say, "we are all equal." But what they mean is they are more equal, you see -- which makes life very difficult. But here, when we say "equal", we really mean it. We do not have to do it in Singapore. But we are thinking in terms of 100, 200 years, 1,000 years. You must help them emerge. And there is only one way: education and economist thrust.
And with those words, I wish you all peace, prosperity in Singapore.Thank you
Wednesday, January 13, 2010
Oldest Chinese Temple in America (Mendocino 1854)
This is something I have learnt: "Anything is Possible".Last week I spent a magical week at a tiny coastal town in Northern California called Mendocino (pop. 1300).
I was there for the Core Value Mastermind retreat with Linda Chandler, an annual class for her mentorees from all over the world to learn, appreciate and reconnect with ourselves and with one another. In many ways it was an intensely enriching and meaningful experience.
Mendocino is a quintessential rural American town, sitting atop the craggy cliffs, inlets, rocks and the pounding waves on an achingly beautiful stretch of the Pacific Coast. Above, on the hills behind it, enormous Redwood trees stand majestically some of them as much as 2400 years old, amidst gentle rivers that gleam with jade-green water. The sun rises from behind the hills, so each day break I gasp at the views of the coast covered in golden spray from the pounding surfs while the hills are wrapped in golden ribbons of mist. The sights, sounds and the spiritual energies of its surrounding nature are beautiful beyond words. The towns are occupied by artists, artisans and all kinds of refugees from urban / material life. Almost everyone in this part of the world is white. Quite the last thing I would expect to find is a Chinese temple.
So imagine my delight when Low, a course mate from Singapore now living and working in Guangzhou, showed me a temple right in the middle of Mendocino. Moreover, it is in good repair, in use and the altar fittings and decorations are quite new. The temple was dedicated to Kuan Ti and a picture of him adorned the altar. I felt a good connection with it, not only because it was a nice surprise, but because for days that week I have been reflecting on the very same value that Kuan Ti (or Kuan Yu) symbolises: integrity, friendship and courage as they apply to my own life.
It was not open, though, both times when I visited last week, because the key is kept with a few town's people and the one Low know of was not in. According to the website (yes, it has one) the temple has been maintained by 4 generations of the "Hee" family.
A plaque outside the temple indicate that the temple was built in 1854 and is now in California's list of historical places. That means it was built only 5 years after the Gold Rush started in California and 2 years after Mendocino was settled. According to some, it is the oldest surviving Chinese temple in America.
Wow! all that right in this tiny little town of Mendocino. Life is full of wonderful discoveries.
[photo from online. Will post more when I receive them]Friday, January 8, 2010
HK New Year Day Protest - A Father's explanation
"Why are there so many peoples walking on the street?", my son asked me. Before I could figure out how to explain in a way a four years old could understand. He shot me several more questions - " why are they carrying flag? ", "what are they singing", "why are there so many police?"
This was on the New Year Day along the Queen's Road. The Pan-Democratic camp organized the New Year Protest March which has in recent years become almost an annual custom.
The protesters had a myriad of petitions but two stood out prominently - universal franchise for 2012 and release of Liu Xiaobo.
The Pan-Dem had been working to pressure on an earlier date for universal franchise as well as the abolishment of functional constituencies which are a depository of various professional and business interest. Actually, several Pan-Dem legislators are planning to resign to force an island-wide reelection which they hope is a surrogate of a referendum on calling for earlier universal franschise.
Calling for the release of Liu is perhaps a last minute inclusion as Liu was sentence a week earlier on X-mas for 11 years. Several brave hearts put up a banner calling for the end of one party dictatorial rule.
HK is perhaps the only place under the Chinese sovereignty in which freedom of expression is not restrained.
The dissidents in HK need not worry being waken up middle of the night and taken to icy-cold lock up for interrogation. In a certain country, witness invited by the authority to give evidence could find himself death plunging from multiple storey building the next morning. In a slightly more enlightened country, the dissidents would have to watch their mouth lest they are sued for defamation into oblivion.
Nothing of these happen in HK.
13 years had lapsed since the handover. The CCP's pledge of preseving the one country two systems in HK for 50 years has only 37 years to go. Will HK be better or worse, only time can tell. But there were these retirees, parents with young children, students and ordinary peoples who were trying to make the difference.
Standing on the pavement, bending down to HR's eye level, I told him that these peoples were expressing themselves by walking, by singing, by shouting slogan, by hitting the drum, by hoisting banners and flags, trying to make China better and Hong Kong happier.
He seemed understood.....or it was just what I want to believe.
This was on the New Year Day along the Queen's Road. The Pan-Democratic camp organized the New Year Protest March which has in recent years become almost an annual custom.
The protesters had a myriad of petitions but two stood out prominently - universal franchise for 2012 and release of Liu Xiaobo.
The Pan-Dem had been working to pressure on an earlier date for universal franchise as well as the abolishment of functional constituencies which are a depository of various professional and business interest. Actually, several Pan-Dem legislators are planning to resign to force an island-wide reelection which they hope is a surrogate of a referendum on calling for earlier universal franschise.
Calling for the release of Liu is perhaps a last minute inclusion as Liu was sentence a week earlier on X-mas for 11 years. Several brave hearts put up a banner calling for the end of one party dictatorial rule.
HK is perhaps the only place under the Chinese sovereignty in which freedom of expression is not restrained.
The dissidents in HK need not worry being waken up middle of the night and taken to icy-cold lock up for interrogation. In a certain country, witness invited by the authority to give evidence could find himself death plunging from multiple storey building the next morning. In a slightly more enlightened country, the dissidents would have to watch their mouth lest they are sued for defamation into oblivion.
Nothing of these happen in HK.
13 years had lapsed since the handover. The CCP's pledge of preseving the one country two systems in HK for 50 years has only 37 years to go. Will HK be better or worse, only time can tell. But there were these retirees, parents with young children, students and ordinary peoples who were trying to make the difference.
Standing on the pavement, bending down to HR's eye level, I told him that these peoples were expressing themselves by walking, by singing, by shouting slogan, by hitting the drum, by hoisting banners and flags, trying to make China better and Hong Kong happier.
He seemed understood.....or it was just what I want to believe.
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