The way to heaven is too dark

For the children of Wenchuan who have died in the earthquake

Hurry child, grab mommy's hands
Child, tightly grab mommy's hand
The way to heaven is too dark and mommy's afraid you'll hit your head
Hurry, tightly grab mommy's hands, let mom go with you
Mommy, I'm scared that the road to heaven is too dark
I can't see your hands since the fallen walls stole the sunshine away
I will never again see your loving gaze
Child, you can go to the road ahead
You will have no sadness, no endless homework, or your father's scolding
You must remember daddy's face and mine
In the next life we will walk together again

(anonymous author)

This is not another day - from NY

KH's post from NY:

Thank you for your personal account of May 19 in Beijing. What a grand sight filled with a lot of loss and sadness but also great comfort and hope.

Much like you, I am filled with strong emotions the whole of the past week but at the same time couldn't read enough about the conditions in the disaster area. I am moved one moment by the unimaginable pain and the next moment by the enourmous greatness of spirit. I do not know if I feel this way because of my Chinese heritage or because I am human - but whatever it is, I feel at one. Si hai yi jia.

And I have never been more proud of the Chinese people. We are seeing Chinese at our best - united, determined, caring, generous, humble, self-confident, courageous, calm, civilized. One can't hide 5000 years of humanism and civilization. More than once it crossed my mind, "wow! this is what a great nation looks like." The Olympics? that's just a party, this is the real deal.

I read a story of this journalist from Singapore's Lianhe Zhaobao who spent 2 days in the quakezone carrying only her handbag, and for 2 days and nights the quake victims who lost everything took care of her, sharing their meager food and water with her and giving her a place to sleep in their tent. Others offered her a ride in their transport. Amidst the devastation, she see a calm determination to find survivors and also a quiet acceptance keep on living. How admirable! What a great people!

If the true test is in times of adversity, I see Mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau behaving as one nation. I can report that charities are all over Chinatown right here in New York City as well - and people are contributing. There is a Chinese consciosuness that transcends the day-to-day issues and contemporary conflicts that the media obsessed about. They are - quite rightly - mere small details for a people who takes a very long perspective to life.

Life is full of imponderables. We often (mis)judge the present by looking into the rearview mirror (i.e. comparing with the past) and think we "know" what the universe has in store. Now I am speculating .... but when you think about it, the trouble with the Tibetans may have actually heightened the numbers and prepareness of the PLA in the Chengdu military region, which made it possible to mobilize so quickly when the quake struck. Ren suan bu lu tian suan. Everything good and bad happen for a reason that we mere humans are not aware of.

Yesterday I wrote a question on a webforum to the NYT reporter (an American Chinese) who is in the quake zone. I asked him, knowing that Western Sichuan is an ethnically diverse region, what proportion of the people affected and being assisted are Tibetan? I am curious to see that perspective because I know in my heart that the same PLA is risking their lives helping Tibetans. While making my post, I noticed that 9/10 webposts from China are filled with love and gratitude graciously thanking the world and esp people in the US for their kind thoughts, assistance and solidarity in this time of trouble. How gracious and dignified I thought. What a wonderful attitude. Granted 10% are ignorant silliness but the majority of US posts expresses sympathy or asks how they can contribute. Its great to see from behind these snapshots the common humanity coming together even outside the Chinese world.

Bro, now is an opportunity to appreciate our lives and family is it not?

This is not another day - May 19

The crowd at the Tiananmen were unusually large but quiet and kind of devoid of the exciement characteristic of the square visitors.

The employees lined up at the entrance of the Peoples Central Bank and this was repeated with the other buildings nearby along the Changan Street. From afar, they all looked solemn.

When the taxi got onto the Xi Er Huan (Western Second Ring Raod), every overhead bridges, the taxi passed through, were full of peoples standing by. Down on the road, the vehicles were slowing down their pace.

This is not another day. The time has come, I asked the taxi driver to pull aside and stop.

On 2.28 pm May 19, 2008, the entire nation came to grieve the Wenchuan Quake Disaster, observing the three minutes silence for the fellow countrymen and women and children whose life were taken by the ferocious force of nature.

The May 12 quake calamity has transformed a nation first associated with incessant class struggle and followed by incessant material pursuit to a nation of compassion, a nation of love and voluntarism.

The calamity caused massive loss of life and pain of unsaid magnitude. We learn of the stories of selfless parents shieding their chidlren from the collapsed building. We also learn of altruistic teachers who tried to save the school children from the falling school. We know, despite their heroic eforts, most of them didn't survive and this pain us. We are all empathetic to the quake survivors amd their family.

There is outpouring of aids and charity everywhere. The street corners and the few open spaces in Hong Kong were filled by quake relief street campaigns last weekend.

I know first hand that many organizations both here in Hong Kong and Beijing initiate efforts to help the quake survivors. It pains us to learn that the surviving babies have no baby formulae, the injured are not treated, the sick are not given the medicine, the adults and children the food, the clean water and the shelter.

I saw and I know, Chinese, and not just Chinese, everywhere, donate for their fellow suffering brethens and sisters. Many young peoples both from within and outside the province volunteered to assist in the relieft efforts. Companies are making corporate donation.

We thank thoese rescue workers who are working around the clock to save life against the odd. We also thank those reporters who make the dangerous field trips to deliver us the largely heart breaking news in the midst of hoping for the few comforting news. We also appreciate the government taking the lead in rescueing the trapped and relieving the survivors.

We share the pain of the orphans. We also share the pain of parents who lost their children. We likewise share the pain of everyone who loss their family and friends. We shall help them to rebuild their home, their school and their life.

This is a nation in grief and this is a nation of hope

Sichuan Earthquake Relief Efforts

From Hong Kong on May 13 I had a few rounds of quiet cries reading the wenchuan earthquake. the casualty number maybe be close to 100k as some towns and villages are cut off from communication and the search and rescue efforts are just reaching tho epicenter. Some of the casualties can be avoided. I was particular sad and angry reading the news that several hundred students and teachers were buried in a school building that collapsed because of the shoddy works. Without a question, it is another construction project where the developers used sub-standard materials for construction to squeeze out the profit and without question, certain government officers must be complicit in approving the project and get the kick back. I can't help holding my tears while typing this.

What relieve me is Hu made a statement almost immediately after the quake pledging all efforts to help the victim and our beloved premier wen was on site at the relief command center. china has hope - bai xin you fu - this is how we the chinese peoples expressing ourselves - saying we are blessed when we have good government.

Whatever misgiving one has for CPC and her conducts in some of the controversial areas, there is no question that the CPC led by Hu-Wen is very people-centric and winning overwhelming tacit mandate from the peoples.

From New York on May 13:

The coverage here is also quite extensive but looking at the Chinese media its wall to wall coverage especially about the school and the parents crying over the children. My most immediate reaction is also the shoddy construction - the tofu projects like what Zhu Rongji called them - and having worked in China so long you can almost picture the local officials and contractors callously cutting corners. And then I read this, which made me feel slightly more resigned because it appears that the area is prepared only for a 7.0 earthquake instead of 7.9 (which is in fact 9x stronger than 7.0) see: http://www.newsweek.com/id/136722

I read also of Wen Jiabao's almost heroic reactions rushing down there within hours, berating the bureaucrats, falling down and gashing his arm, giving encouragement and crying with the victims...I feel this is quite historic and like you I feel grateful. China today has the resources and capability to do the best job under a terrible situation and I am glad all country - HK and Macau and even Taiwan included - is responding as one people in the manner of a modern country. If we do this well and this is what 2008 will be remembered for more than the olympics. If we do this well, this is how China shows its a great nation again.
My thoughts are with the people.

Examining Chinese Political Theories Part 4 - Jiang's and Hu's Theories

Deng's successor, Jiang Zeming's Three Represents was an effort to convert CPC from a revolutionary party to a ruling party by being more inclusive. CPC shall represent the overwhelming interest of the majority strikes the note of obtaining a political mandate for governance.

Inside the party, this represent was strongly opposed on the ground that it deviate from the classic Communist doctrine to represent the proletariats. The controversy was at least solved after Jiang's Three Represents was adopted into the CPC constitution.

To my view, this is the most progressive part of Jiang's contribution. It would have been better if Jiang elaborate, for instance, the constitutional safeguard against the tyranny by the majority or tyranny under the pretext of representing the majority and also the means and mechanism in substantiating how the representation of the overwhelming interest of the majority is ascertained in such a large country with such large number of polulation.

Jiang's the other represents - that is representing the advanced social production force was a continuation of the Deng's theory emphasising on economic production. This is to be further developed later by Hu Jintao's Scientific Development Theory.

Finally, the least controversial is the representation of the advanced culture and this addition shows the aspiration, perhaps more of his personal aspiration for his affection to things cultural is well known.

Also as Deng's annointed succesor, Hu Jintao's Scientific Development Theory brings a human face and scientific methodology to soften the often rough edges of his predecessors' political theories.

Hu's theory is also seen as more eqalitarian supplementing Deng's theory which is seen as encouraging incessant pursuit of economic growth. To Hu, the governance is not just about whoever catches the mice is a good cat. The good cat,must not only catch the mice, it must also make sure that it didn't break the vase and dirty the carpet.

Hu takes a more comprehensive view towards the country development. He is concerned with more balanced and better coordinated development between man and the nature, between the regions, and that between the urban and the rural areas.

Hu speaks of sustainable development after almost 20 years of jaw-droping economic growth at the expense of natural environ and habitat and a great drain of natural resurces. Hu also speaks of a people-centric society in a country where everyone is urged to get rich is glorious at the expense of moral and traditional values. Hu also calls for more social welfare in an increasing affluent society and yet there are still large numbers who remains unprivileged who are deprieved of affordable and accessible medical treatment and educational opportunity.

Hu's theory in creating a harmonious society is such an irony in a country which CPC built on the basis of class struggle. It maybe ironic to the historian and the observers and perhaps bitter to the Mao's loyalist, it is however a well-thought out balanced approach towards building a nation.

Hu did speak about developing a democratic China, yet like Deng and Jiang, he was shy at spelling out how the democratization is going to be delivered. I have speculated that a democratic China, most likely in the form of an intra-party democracy, will be in place in 2020s to 2030s.

It is neccesary to discuss about the constitutional reform that is required. How is the rule of law going to be anchored firmly in a country where the judiciary is far from independence? How is the ruling party accountable to the peoples without constitutional and political scrutiny? How is the unification possible without a new constitutional convention? These are some of many constitutional questions to be addressed and Hu still has the time and opportunity to explain this. Will he and can he do it or is he leaving it to the next Chinese political theorist?

Examining Chinese Political Theories Part 3 - Deng Xiaoping Theories

What Mao Zedong's thoughts fail to address was the nation building. This was successfully dealt with by Deng Xiaoping's Theory in spite of many negative social and economic consequences that accompanied it.

Deng's emphasis on economic construction and stability is guided by the streetwise pragmatism which sometimes going into the extreme justifying the end by the means. To him, it doesn't matter whether the white cat or the black cat cathes the mice, whoever catches the mice is the good cat. What happens with Deng's theory in practice is that the cat that catches the mice has in the process broke a vase and dirty the carpet.

If Mao's thought is revolutionary, Deng's theory is evolutionary. Deng didn't attempt any dramatic change until he experimented it in a smaller scale. To quote him, he was always seeking truth from the fact. Under Deng's theory, we see the setting up of the special economic zone as well as special administrative region. All these are incrementalist in approach. It is cautious and careful yet cretaing tremendously stability in a country long besieged by poverty.

Under this steady stewardship, the productive force was unleashed and we witness 30 years of peace and increasing prosperity since 1979. In this period, Chinese peoples enjoy unprecedented increase in income as well as greater personal liberty. Expansion of political rights was flirted in early 1980s but it sufferred a disastrous stall following the Tiananmen incident. Deng's theory doesn't accommodate radical changes and this was the reason why the student movement failed.

Deng's theory is called the socialism with chinese characteristic. This is again showing consistently the continuous pattern of successive Chinese political leaders and thinkers to reject the wholesale importation of foreign political doctrines. From the constitutional perspective, Deng's theory is somewhat made more interesting with his ingenious creation of the one country and two systems concept to secure the return of Hong Kong and Macao from their colonial masters. The truth of the matter is that the one country two systems is a diluted form of federation. In this regards, Deng repeatedly show his touch of pragmatism to accommodate different political aspiration from that in the mainland. It is to be noted that Taiwan under Lee and Chen's administration has rejected this offer whereas it seems that the exile Tibetan government is willing to embrace it. Whether it will evolve as the blueprint for a less centralized government is yet to be seen but is not impossible given the incrementalist approach of Deng's theory.

By far and large, Deng's theory is centred at national construction and not national foundation. Deng theory didn't deal with constitutional issues and was happy to tribute to the four cardinal principles in upholding socialist path, people democratic dictatorship, CPC rule and the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist thoughts. This is, in my opinion, largely due to the timing. To quote him, he is crossing the river by touching the stone, which implies taking one step at a time and the step required would have to be left to the future generation. To his admirers, Deng's theory in empirical experimentation allows inclusion of new ideas for further reform.

Examining Chinese Political Theories Part 2 - Mao Zedong's Thoughts

After the civil war is over in 1949, across the Taiwan Strait in the mainland, the theory that reigned supreme for almost 30 years since the founding the PRC is Mao Zedong's Thoughts. In essence, it is just Communism with Chinese Characteristic. The classic Communist's proletariats, once extended to China, has to include the largest political constituent in that period, namely the peasants working in the vast farmland across China.

Mao's emphasis on incessant class struggles to perpetuate the purist Communist dictatorship cannot be regarded as mere attempt at conceptualising his assertion and retention of his personal political power. He is more likely convinced of the primacy of his theory in a largely rural and semi-feudal country where he continuied to regard class struggle as the way forwards even when his task was to build and construct a nation. The various episodes of anti-rightist campaign, great leap forward and the cultural revolution have certainly tarnished the otherwise unblemished record of pre-1949 Mao's contribution.

Some of Mao's thoughts on class struggles, collectivism, guerilla warfare, which were once regarded as the unquestionable principles, have limited, if not, indeed any relevance today. Even what Mao's consider as the inalienable right to rebel against the reactionaries has gone down to the pages of history.

Instead of delivering a good governance after founding the PRC, CPC under Mao was busy instituting one revolutionarycampaign after the other creating massive loss of lifes and massive destruction of cultural fabric as well as economic stagnation when other societies who lost the WW II and Civil War have achieved remarkable economic growth.

Despite this, there is no question that there are peoples today who are nostagic of Mao's era where emploment were secured, education and healthcare were state funded. They recalled fondly of the equality in the Mao's era when everyone is poor and grumbling bitterly over the widenning social gap of present day. These views are legitimate not so much that Mao's thought was right or better, rather it was the failure of the successive administration to give the sense of equality of opportunity and the absence of safety net for those who are unable, for one reason or the other, to make it on his own. In another word, in spite of better peoples livelihood generally in the last 30 years, the call for social justice and social security are dearest to many hearts and there is no wonder that Hu Jintao is emphatic on this issue.

Assessing Mao's thoughts, in historical perspective, it was a revolutionary ideology. It was successful when CPC was a revolutionary party and Mao failed to make the necessary revision when the CPC became the ruling party. For example, the land reform was very popular with the peasants but the large number of landowners, whose land were confiscated, were also made to pay for their life. Never mind that the land confiscation was crude or maybe unfair (depending whose side one takes), what worse, was the life extermination that was cruel and unjust (no matter whose side one takes). The policy was populist but it was also a policy of the tyranny by the majority which didn't make it right.

Examining Chinese Political Theories Part 1 - Three Peoples' Principle

In the last 100 years of Chinese political history, every generation of political leaders have propagated different political theories to conceptualize their offer of governance. Some are more coherent than the others and some are more successful than the others. It is worthy to note that coherency has nothing to do with its political success. Part I of this short essay will examine Dr. Sun Yat Sen's San-min Doctrine of its modern day relevance.

Whether in mainland of in Taiwan, Dr. Sun Yat Sen is regarded the father of China. It is therefore appropriate to start examining Dr.Sun Yat Sen's San-min Doctrine, also known as the Three Peoples' Principle. In Mandarin, san is three and the three "mins" are respectively - minzhu (nationalism), minquan (democracy), minsheng (peoples livelihood or social welfare). Dr. Sun's doctrine is premised upon almagam of both Western and Chinese political experience.

Nationalism is technically a western concept which is adapted to suit the post-imperial China striving to unite the five major races. Democracy is inspired by the American President Abrahim Lincoln. Peoples livelihood or social welfare, whilst appears a more recent western concept, it has an ancient Chinese root that can be traced back to Confucianism.

The most prominent fusion of Western and Chinese political thoughts is Dr. Sun's doctrine of separation of power. In addition to the familiar Montesquive's three organs of states - legislature, executive and judiciary, Dr. Sun adds two more organs taken from the imperial Chinese political institutions - examination and control council or known in Chinese as "yuan". The Examination Yuan is responsible for the recruitment, selection and promotion of civil servants whereas the Control Yuan supervise over the civil servants.

Arguably Dr Sun's Three Peoples Principles is a more coherent political theory. It speaks about the political basis of the republic which is vest in nationalism; it touches upon the constitutional framework through the separation of five powers of state. It deals with the constituonal legitimacy of the republic when it stresses the principle of democracy. It articulates the political ideology of governance in terms of social welfare.

Despite its arguably superior coherency, the Three Peoples Principle was never given the opportunity to be implemented fully by the ruling KMT whether in mainland or in Taiwan. In the mainland, KMT was too busy fighting off the Japanese invaders and the Communist opponents. After losing the civil war, KMT instituted one party rule till 1980s.

What follows in the era of Lee Tenghui and DPP's Chen Suibian up to 2008, Taiwan saw the restoration of democracy and the erosion of social welfare and almost complete demise of nationalism unless one argues that it has evolved into Taiwanese nationalism distinct from the Chinese nationalism originally conceived by Dr. Sun.

On the principle of democracy, the separation of 5 organs of state has given way to the assertive executive and legislative branches with the introduction of the universally elected presidential government and the directly elected legislature. On the other hand, the Examination and Control Yuan are increasingly marginalized.

The political reality is such that what is coherent is not what is successful.

some thoughts - Constitution Convention for New China

(KH's reply on 29 April, 2008)

Although not a student of American history, I am in awe of the group of men who attended the continental congress and dreamt up the notion and the nation known today as the US. In the last week, I only just realised the US "founding fathers" (sometimes also called the 'Framers' of the Constitution) were mostly in their 30s at the time. Some like Hamilton and Madison were only in the 20s. They were scholars, intellectuals, lawyers or landowners who reluctantly became revolutionaries. It sure sounds like a band of reluctant rebels like in "shui hu zhuan - the water margin". Washington was the military leader, John Adams organized congress and developed the political consensus (also raise the money for the army and navy), Jefferson was the philosopher (he was only 33 when he wrote the Declaration of Independence), Benjamin Franklin was the master diplomat who got France as ally..etc.

Now I am reading "The Federalist Papers" which were a series of editorials written in 1887 by Hamilton (32yrs old), Jay (42yrs) and Madison (33yrs) presenting the arguments for the various aspects of US constitution to counter skeptics. These are very profound commentaries on the constitution by the drafters themselves in which they presented the case for a "union", seperation of powers, powers of taxation, necessity of a standing army etc. We sometimes forget that many things we take for granted today were radical and risky ideas at that time - ideas being promoted these young and reckless social reforming rebels !!

I wonder how much of those ideas will make sense for China when/if a constitutional convention takes place.

My preliminary thoughts on China's constitutional convention are still fragmented ... here are a few.

First, we have a kind of obsession with territory although that is historically unstable. I remember when I was younger (i am sure you have done that too) of looking through the territories of different dynasties and feeling a bit disappointed. My Chinese mentality is bigger territory = better. So except for Han and Yuan dynasty, most of historical territories are within current borders.

Second, I believe China is predominantly a "soft power" trying hard with mixed success at becoming a "hard power". China's soft power is the power of civilization as confined by geography. We can consider writing, culture, philosophy, history, bureaucratic norms, way of life as part of China's soft power arsenal. It is so powerful that even its "enemies" admire and try to copy these qualities.

Third, as a soft power we can also consider Korea, (outer) Mongolia and Vietnam as part of China's historic sphere of territory. Vietnam has been under Chinese power longer than Tibet. There isn't much to seperate Chinese historic influence over Korea as over Manchuria. Compared with Korea, Mongolia and Vietnam, don't you think Xinjiang is actually further removed from mainstream.

Fourthly, an identity works only if it can define the "other-ness" of the other. In the old days, because China is all the known world being "Chinese" is too universal to be as a "national" identity. Whenever China is fragmented into small states. Do those people still agree they are 'China'? I suppose no one really thinks in those terms. They might say they are from XYZ 'kuo' state or subjects of King XYZ or some tribal identity ('zhu') but probably not as "Chinese". So I really wonder if Chinese nationalism is a relatively recent phenomenon?

Fifth, it struck me when reading the Federalist Papers, how the writers refer so richly to examples from ancient Rome and Greece. In defining themselves, they based it on their classical history, culture and philosophy. I believe that when China defines itself, it will necessarily draw on its own history and cultural heritage. So my preliminary conclusions now is none the wiser, than to suspect that the definition of Chinese nation lies in the notion of a modern non-Western approach to civilization.

Sixth, for China there are a few traditional strengths to build on. (1) pragmatism not religion and ideology (2) meritocracy as the ideal (3) prizing learning and virtue over force (4) prizing harmony and middle path over any extreme (5) communitarian = concern for the larger-self e.g.family, community, state over self-interest (6) Self-reliance - Chinese don't trust God or government to help them (7) Self-regard - Chinese has this arrogant idea that they are exceptional not just average. (8) Strong cultural DNA i.e. the soft power which is a strong cohesive force.

Each is both a strength and a potential weakness; but the main weakness so far is that these are all "soft power" or individual attributes which does not do much as a political construct. For that, I am still thinking